Pablo Iglesias and WE CAN they have been and it is a phenomenon in reservation
their appearance in the friendly parties they received the biggest
commendations on the part of all, I publish press means informative etc. to
such an extent I end up dazzling that most of the surveys located in January to
the formation like the main option of the Spaniards, even overcoming 28% of the
votes. From then on, the fall has gone being accentuated and it is even
overcome already in some studies by Citizens. What has it spent in four months
so that thousands of Spaniards have stopped to support too WE CAN?
I sincerely believe that the time and the roller of the Spanish traditional
right that the moment has arrived in that it has been conscious has simply
happened that WE CAN he could become to BE ABLE TO and this is something that the
right always, it cannot lose for two reasons: one because the power is
preservative of for yes and other because to leave to the overdraft that made
by its power is more dangerous than its lost one, once this clear to the PP it
was him easy to see that behind the WE CAN really alone there was an illusion.
More than half of the Spaniards they assured that it was necessary a party that
gave answer to the crisis. We come from a very deep and very long crisis and
the citizens wanted something new.
Fair in that same moment of social desperation, he was born WE CAN as party
and Pablo Iglesias became the leader of the formation after being commentator it
shatters of several television programs. In fifteen months. The European
elections of May of 2014 were the card of presentation of some parties and the reconfirmation
of others. In fact although they seem important it was some smaller elections
because people don't have very clear what is played. In Spain it highlighted WE
CAN with their five euro deputes. What defined the inflation point that gave
the alarm sign to the Spanish right.
The long economic crisis has modified the political map of Europe. All the
countries have had populist movements that have grown for the recession and
Spain won't be less, in this sense, here it arose WE CAN and he caught force to
the heat of the social dissatisfaction, more the fatigue and the boredom of the
crisis for the corruption that undoubtedly has been a heavy flagstone for the
parties political traditional point for the right that is to say the PP like
for the left the PSOE in this political mark in that the traditional ends the
right PP and the left PSOE were being in evidence we Can it was located in the
half point that he doesn't mean the political center to me to understand.
But the time and the action of the right surprisingly has gone putting in a
corner to we Can toward the left one and indeed we Can it has destroyed the
PSOE completely. Today for the Spaniards WE CAN it is located like a political
formation listed toward the radical left. As much Pablo Iglesias as other
outstanding leaders of the party have been very linked to movements of lefts as
much in Spain as in other countries. In spite of it, the public speech of the
last months has controlled and it is already spoken of a party that is not of
right, in of left."
You already know my opinion WE CAN indeed it is not of right and of Spanish
lefts WE CAN it is absolute politics’ party and communist neo in their politics
they don't fit neither the right neither the classic left, WE CAN the it is
everything but I eat this it is not understood by the Spanish society it is at
the moment it locates it in the "limbo" kind of a new political
center of which doesn't have any experience neither knowledge of what can be
and for that reason as he doesn't understand very well that it is we can then
it locates it an indefinite point.
To this phenomenon he also helps that the crisis, the unemployment and the
corruption, are common to the right and to the left, therefore it is logical
that the society sees in we Can the solution and in the society affected by the
problems of Spain, they are the two tendencies the right and the left. In this
point the ability of the right much more consolidated in Spain that the left,
he has found a possible antidote before the unavoidable fall of the Popular
Party and to avoid it has bolstered their harder right and he has prepared a
new party to pick up to the possible flights of their members of softer or
liberal rights as you they want to define them and to get this it has shot as a
rocket to a practically regional party as “Citizens”.
The play is a teacher the Spanish right he has left in two at the hardest
it will continue having the PP and the most modern the softest (at the moment)
he will have its new PP embodied by Citizens. This play has had as first and
clear effect the stop of the explosion of WE CAN, because this he has stayed
orphan of the whole new right that had seen alone in WE CAN the exit of the
Spanish traditional politics's untenable situation.
So much PP and PSOE as WE CAN and “Citizens” fight right now to try to win
votes in oneself political spectrum although seemingly the four formations
swear that they don't have he swims in common the certain thing it is that they
have a lot to see. WE CAN he has seen that he has to overcome the speech of
radical left. Once past the boom, when you are in a political end, it is very
easy to ascend in popularity per at the same time it is very difficult to end
up winning the Government, mainly in such an old and traditional country as
Spain. In the last weeks, and awaiting the official presentation of the
electoral program, WE CAN it has reduced their expectations and it has moderated
their speeches and the appearances of their political leaders even some as
Errejón and Monedero they have disappeared.
The main reason of the fall of we Can it is not in the scandals linked
Íñigo Errejón with their scholarship and the payments to Treasury of Juan
Carlos Monedero’ company. Those incidents have supposed an inflection point in
the graphs of vote estimate and he could go to more. But the true cause is the
play teacher of the right that has introduced its "Citizen" relief
that is capitalizing the votes of the dissatisfaction of the PP and part of the
PSOE, in spite of everything, and with four parties, two new and two old,
fighting to capture the center vote, from the Transition, there had never been
so much emotion in the Spanish" politics.
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